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Secret U.S. Program Tracks Global Bank Transfers

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D. Spencer Hines - 23 Jun 2006 19:00 GMT
Excellent!

Keep looking at those Bank Transfers by accessing a vast database of
confidential information on transfers of money between banks worldwide.

And make that database even MORE VAST -- not just Half Vast.

DSH
--------------------------------------------------------------------

"Secret U.S. Program Tracks Global Bank Transfers"

"The Treasury Dept. program, begun after the Sept. 11 attacks, attempts to
monitor terrorist financing but raises privacy concerns."

By Josh Meyer and Greg Miller, Los Angeles Times Staff Writers

9:49 AM PDT, June 23, 2006

"WASHINGTON - The U.S. government, without the knowledge of many banks and
their customers, has engaged for years in a secret effort to track terrorist
financing by accessing a vast database of confidential information on
transfers of money between banks worldwide.

The program, run by the Treasury Department, is considered a potent weapon
in the war on terrorism because of its ability to clandestinely monitor
financial transactions and map terrorist webs.

It is part of an arsenal of aggressive measures the government has adopted
since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks that yield new intelligence, but also
circumvent traditional safeguards against abuse and raise concerns about
intrusions on privacy.

White House spokesman Tony Snow insisted today that the program offers
"abstract harms" but "concrete benefits."

"It works," he said.

He added that it has contributed to indictments of would-be terrorists and
to investigations of acts of terrorism.

Under this effort, Treasury routinely acquires information about bank
transfers from the world's largest financial communication network, which is
run by a consortium of financial institutions called the Society for
Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication, or SWIFT.

The SWIFT network carries up to 12.7 million messages a day containing
instructions on many of the international transfers of money between banks.
The messages typically include the names and account numbers of bank
customers - from U.S. citizens to major corporations - who are sending or
receiving funds.

Through the program, Treasury has built an enormous - and ever-growing -
repository of financial records drawn from what is essentially the central
nervous system of international banking.

In a major departure from traditional methods of obtaining financial
records, the Treasury Department uses a little-known power - administrative
subpoenas - to collect data from the SWIFT network, which has operations in
the U.S., including a main computer hub in Manassas, Va. The subpoenas are
secret and not reviewed by judges or grand juries, as are most criminal
subpoenas.

"It's hard to overstate the value of this information," Treasury Secretary
John W. Snow said Thursday in a statement he issued after The Times and
other media outlets reported the existence of the Terrorist Finance Tracking
Program.

SWIFT acknowledged Thursday in response to questions from The Times that it
has provided data under subpoena since shortly after Sept. 11, 2001, a
striking leap in cooperation from international bankers, who long resisted
such law enforcement intrusions into the confidentiality of their
communications.

But SWIFT said in a statement that it has worked with U.S. officials to
restrict the use of the data to terrorism investigations.

The program is part of the Bush administration's dramatic expansion of
intelligence-gathering capabilities, which includes warrantless
eavesdropping on the international phone calls of some U.S. residents.
Critics complain that these efforts are not subject to independent
governmental reviews designed to prevent abuse, and charge that they collide
with privacy and consumer protection laws in the United States.

Steven Aftergood, director of the Project on Government Secrecy at the
Federation of American Scientists, said the SWIFT program raises similar
issues. "It boils down to a question of oversight, both internal and
external. And in the current circumstances, it is hard to have confidence in
the efficacy of their oversight," he said. "Their policy is, 'Trust us,' and
that may not be good enough anymore."

A former senior Treasury official expressed concern that the SWIFT program
allows access to vast quantities of sensitive data that could be abused
without safeguards. The official, who said he did not have independent
knowledge of the program, questioned what becomes of the data, some of it
presumably related to innocent banking customers.

"How do you separate the wheat from the chaff?" the former official said.
"And what do you do with the chaff?"

At the White House, Snow said "a whole series of safeguards" were in place
to prevent violations of ordinary Americans' privacy. "If you're not a
member of Al Qaeda you're safe," he said.

The perception of potential privacy violations "seems to be limited to the
press corps," Snow said.

The program's legitimacy was established by a presidential executive order
signed 10 days after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, he added.

Snow said the House and Senate intelligence committees were fully apprised
of the program. The American people, he said, understand that such efforts
lose their effectiveness if they are widely known.

More than a dozen current and former U.S. officials discussed the program
with The Times on condition of anonymity, citing its sensitive nature.

The effort runs counter to the expectations of privacy and security that are
sacrosanct in the worldwide banking community. SWIFT promotes its services
largely by touting the network's security, and most of its customers are
unaware that the U.S. government has such extensive access to their private
financial information.

U.S. officials, some of whom expressed surprise the program had not
previously been revealed by critics, acknowledged it would be controversial
in the financial community. "It is certainly not going to sit well in the
world marketplace," said a former counterterrorism official. "It could very
likely undermine the integrity of SWIFT."

Bush administration officials asked The Times not to publish information
about the program, contending that disclosure could damage its effectiveness
and that sufficient safeguards are in place to protect the public.

Dean Baquet, editor of The Times, said: "We weighed the government's
arguments carefully, but in the end we determined that it was in the public
interest to publish information about the extraordinary reach of this
program. It is part of the continuing national debate over the aggressive
measures employed by the government."

Under the program, Treasury issues a new subpoena once a month, and SWIFT
turns over huge amounts of electronic financial data, according to Stuart
Levey, the department's undersecretary for terrorism and financial
intelligence. The administrative subpoenas are issued under authority
granted in the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act.

The SWIFT information is added to a massive database that officials have
been constructing since shortly after Sept. 11. Levey noted that SWIFT did
not have the ability to search its own records. "We can, because we built
the capability to do that," he said.

Treasury shares the data with the CIA, the FBI and analysts from other
agencies, who can run queries on specific individuals and accounts believed
to have terrorist connections, Levey said Thursday in an interview with The
Times.

Levey said that "tens of thousands" of searches of the database have been
done over the last five years.

The program was initially a closely guarded secret, but it has recently
become known to a wider circle of government officials, former officials,
banking executives and outside experts.

Current and former U.S. officials said the effort has been only marginally
successful against Al Qaeda, which long ago began transferring money through
other means, including the highly informal banking system common in Islamic
countries.

The value of the program, Levey and others said, has been in tracking lower-
and mid-level terrorist operatives and financiers who believe they have not
been detected, and militant groups, such as Hezbollah, Hamas and Palestinian
Islamic Jihad, that also operate political and social welfare organizations.

It's no secret that the Treasury Department tries to track terrorist
financing, or that those efforts ramped up significantly after the Sept. 11
terrorist attacks. But the SWIFT program goes far beyond what has been
publicly disclosed about that effort in terms of the amount of financial
data that U.S. intelligence agencies can access.

The program also represents a major tactical shift. U.S. investigators long
have been able to subpoena records on specific accounts or transactions when
they could show cause - a painstaking process designed mainly for gathering
evidence. But access to SWIFT enables them to follow suspicious financial
trails around the globe, identifying new suspects without having to seek
assistance from foreign banks.

SWIFT is a consortium founded in 1973 to replace telex messages. It has
almost 7,900 participating institutions in more than 200 countries -
including Bank of America, JP Morgan Chase Bank, Citibank and Credit Suisse.
The network handled 2.5 billion financial messages in 2005, including many
originating in countries such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United Arab
Emirates that the United States scrutinizes closely for terrorist activity.

The system does not execute the actual transfer of funds between banks; that
is carried out by the Federal Reserve and its international counterparts.
Rather, banks use the network to transmit instructions about such transfers.
For that reason, SWIFT's data is extremely valuable to intelligence services
seeking to uncover terrorist webs.

CIA operatives trying to track Osama bin Laden's money in the late 1990s
figured out clandestine ways to access the SWIFT network. But a former CIA
official said Treasury officials blocked the effort because they did not
want to anger the banking community.

Historically, "there was always a line of contention" inside the government,
said Paul Pillar, former deputy director of the CIA's counterterrorism
center. "The Treasury position was placing a high priority on the integrity
of the banking system. There was considerable concern from that side about
anything that could be seen as compromising the integrity of international
banking."

Before Sept. 11, a former senior SWIFT executive said, providing access to
its sensitive data would have been anathema to the Belgium-based consortium.
But the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon led to a new
mind-set in many industries, including telecommunications.

SWIFT said the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control sent
the first subpoena shortly after Sept. 11, seeking "limited sets of data" to
learn about how Al Qaeda financed the attacks.

Unlike telephone lines and e-mail communications, the SWIFT network cannot
be easily tapped. It uses secure log-ins and state-of-the-art encryption
technology to prevent intercepted messages from being deciphered. "It is
arguably the most secure network on the planet," said the former SWIFT
executive who spoke on condition of anonymity. "This thing is locked down
like Fort Knox."

SWIFT said it was responding to compulsory subpoenas and negotiated with
U.S. officials to narrow them and to establish protections for the privacy
of its customers. SWIFT also said it has never given U.S. authorities direct
access to its network.

"Our fundamental principle has been to preserve the confidentiality of our
users' data while complying with the lawful obligations in countries where
we operate," SWIFT said in its statement.

Current and former U.S. officials familiar with the SWIFT program described
it as one of the most valuable weapons in the financial war on terrorism,
but declined to provide even anecdotal evidence of its successes.

A former high-ranking CIA officer said it has been a success, and another
official said it has allowed U.S. counterterrorism officials to follow a
tremendous number of leads. CIA officials pursue leads overseas, and the FBI
and other agencies pursue leads in the United States, where the CIA is
prohibited from operating.

Officials said the program is relied upon especially heavily when
intelligence chatter from phone and e-mail intercepts suggested an imminent
attack, conveying real-time intelligence for counterterrorism operations.

The former SWIFT executive said much can be learned from network messages,
which require an actual name and address of both the sender and recipient,
unlike phone calls and e-mails, in which terrorist operatives can easily
disguise their identities.

"There is a good deal of detail in there," he said.

As the global war on terrorism has succeeded in taking out some senior
terrorists and their financiers, particularly within Al Qaeda, the
organization and its many affiliates have sought to move to hidden locations
and to transfer their money through proxies such as charities, aid
organizations and corporate fronts.

The officials said the SWIFT information can be used in "link analysis."
That technique allows analysts to identify any person with whom a suspected
terrorist had financial dealings - even those with no connection to
terrorism. That information is then mapped and analyzed to detect patterns,
shifts in strategy, specific "hotspot" accounts, and locations that have
become new havens for terrorist activity.

The SWIFT program is just one of the Bush administration's post-Sept. 11
initiatives to collect intelligence that could include information on U.S.
residents.

The National Security Agency, which can intercept communications around the
world, is eavesdropping on the telephone calls and e-mails of some U.S.
residents without obtaining warrants. And it has been accused of asking
telecommunications companies to help create a database of the phone-call
records of almost all Americans.

The Justice Department also has asked Internet companies to keep records of
the websites customers visit and the people they e-mail for two years,
rather than days or weeks, which would greatly expand the government's
ability to track online activity.

Numerous lawsuits have been filed against the government and phone
companies, challenging the NSA efforts. The government has asked courts to
throw them out, invoking the "state secrets" privilege and arguing that
trials would compromise national security. The NSA's interception of
telephone calls also has been criticized for lacking an independent review
process to ensure that the information is not abused.

The SWIFT program raises similar concerns, some critics say.

Privacy advocates have questioned "link analysis" because it can drag in
innocent people who have routine financial dealings with terrorist suspects.

And no outside governmental oversight body, such as the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Court or a grand jury, monitors the subpoenas served on SWIFT.

Levey said the program is subject to "robust" checks and balances designed
to prevent misuse of the data. He noted that requests to access the data are
reviewed by Treasury's assistant secretary for intelligence; that analysts
can only access the data for terrorism-related searches; and that records
are kept of each search and are reviewed by an outside auditor for
compliance.

Levey said there had been one instance of abuse in which an analyst had
conducted a search that did not meet the terrorist-related criteria. The
analyst was subsequently denied access to the database, he said.

During the last five years, SWIFT officials have raised concerns about the
scope of the program, particularly at the outset, when it was handing over
virtually its entire database. The amount of data handed over each month has
been winnowed down.

"The safeguards were not all there in September 2001," Levey acknowledged.
"We started narrowing it from the beginning."

New safeguards have been added, he said, noting that SWIFT officials are now
allowed to be present when analysts search the data and to raise objections
with top officials.

Officials from other government agencies have raised the issue of accessing
the records for other investigative purposes, but Levey said such proposals
have been rejected - largely out of concern that doing so might erode
support for the program.

Asked what would prevent the data from being used for other purposes in the
future, Levey said doing so would likely trigger objections from SWIFT and
the outside auditor.

A SWIFT representative said that Booz Allen Hamilton, an international
consulting firm, is the auditor, but provided no further details on how the
oversight process works.

Although the searches focus on suspected terrorist activity overseas, U.S.
officials acknowledged that they do delve into the financial activities of
Americans, noting that privacy laws don't protect individuals believed to be
acting as a "foreign terrorist agent."

Officials said the administration has briefed congressional intelligence
committees on the SWIFT program. In contrast, information on the NSA
wiretapping was shared only with key lawmakers. One senior congressional
aide said the committees have "a good handle on what the executive branch is
doing to track terrorist financing" and are generally supportive of those
efforts.

But the operation seems to have been kept secret from key segments of the
banking industry, including senior executives in the United States and
overseas.

John McKessy, chairman of the SWIFT user group in the United States, said he
was unaware of any such program. McKessy represents companies and
institutions that are not members of the SWIFT cooperative, but use its
messaging system.

SWIFT noted that its published policies clearly indicate that it cooperates
with law enforcement authorities and that the subpoenas were "discussed
carefully within the board," made up of members from 25 major banks. SWIFT
said it has also kept informed an oversight committee drawn from the central
banks of the major industrial countries.

The SWIFT program plugs a gap in global efforts to track terrorism
financing.

In the United States, law enforcement authorities can access bank records if
they get permission through the legal process. The FBI also has various
legal ways to get almost instantaneous access to financial records. And U.S.
banking laws require financial institutions to file Suspicious Activity
Reports, but authorities believe Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups know
how to evade the activities that trigger such red flags.

U.S. officials, however, long have complained that they cannot get access to
financial records overseas and that some requests for cooperation from
foreign governments and financial institutions took months, while others
were rebuffed.

"The sort of 18th century notions on this stuff drive me nuts," said one
senior U.S. counterterrorism official. "Somebody can move money with the
click of a mouse, but it takes me six months to find it. If that is the
world in which we live, you have to understand the costs involved with
that."

The Sept. 11 commission urged the government in its July 2004 report on the
U.S. intelligence failures leading up to the terrorist attacks to put more
emphasis on tracking the flow of funds, rather than seeking to disrupt them,
to learn how terrorist networks are organized.

Lee Hamilton, a former congressman and co-chairman of the commission who
said he has been briefed on the SWIFT program, said U.S. intelligence
agencies have made significant progress in recent years, but are still
falling short. "I still cannot point to specific successes of our efforts
here on terrorist financing," he said."
------------------------------------------------------

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 26 Jun 2006 18:27 GMT
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, the Justice Department and the FBI should
go after the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles
Times hammer and tongs -- prosecuting them to the full extent of the
Espionage Laws and other laws, as appropriate.

They should be gathering evidence and building their cases now and then drop
the hammer on these malefactors right after the November Elections -- as an
early Christmas Present to Real, Loyal Americans -- who actually want to WIN
the War On Terror, unlike the pogues at the New York Times, et al.

From what I hear, that's exactly what The Attorney General and the FBI are
doing.

If "Pinch" Sulzberger and the rest of the Sulzberger clan, as well as Bill
Keller, wind up hanging by their thumbs in some God-forsaken dungeon in
Transylvania that's no problem either.

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
---------------------------------------

"Bush Slams Leak of Terror Finance Story"

26 June 2006

By TERENCE HUNT
AP White House Correspondent

WASHINGTON

"President Bush on Monday sharply condemned the disclosure of a program to
secretly monitor the financial transactions of suspected terrorists. "The
disclosure of this program is disgraceful," he said.

"For people to leak that program and for a newspaper to publish it does
great harm to the United States of America," Bush said, jabbing his finger
for emphasis. He said the disclosure of the program "makes it harder to win
this war on terror."

The program has been going on since shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror
attacks. It was disclosed last week by the New York Times, the Wall Street
Journal and the Los Angeles Times.

Using broad government subpoenas, the program allows U.S. counterterrorism
analysts to obtain financial information from a vast database maintained by
a company based in Belgium. It routes about 11 million financial
transactions daily among 7,800 banks and other financial institutions in 200
countries.

"Congress was briefed and what we did was fully authorized under the law,"
Bush said, talking with reporters in the Roosevelt Room after meeting with
groups that support U.S. troops in Iraq.

"We're at war with a bunch of people who want to hurt the United States of
America," the president said. "What we were doing was the right thing."

"The American people expect this government to protect our constitutional
liberties and at the same time make sure we understand what the terrorists
are trying to do," Bush said. He said that to figure out what terrorists
plan to do, "You try to follow their money. And that's exactly what we're
doing and the fact that a newspaper disclosed it makes it harder to win this
war on terror."

Meanwhile, the administration said it has informed major allies that the
secret program has adequate privacy safeguards and will continue.

Tony Fratto, chief spokesman for the Treasury Department, said the contacts
were made following the disclosure. "We have made a point of reaching out to
our partners in the international community to make sure they understand our
views and the safeguards we have in place," he said. "We want to make sure
it was clear to our partners that we value this program."

In advance of Bush's remarks, the New York Times defended itself against
criticism for disclosing the program.

In a note on the paper's Web site Sunday, Executive Editor Bill Keller said
the Times spent weeks discussing with Bush administration officials whether
to publish the report.

He said part of the government's argument was that the anti-terror program
would no longer be effective if it became known, because international
bankers would be unwilling to cooperate and terrorists would find other ways
to move money.

"We don't know what the banking consortium will do, but we found this
argument puzzling," Keller said, pointing out that the banks were under
subpoena to provide the information. "The Bush Administration and America
itself may be unpopular in Europe these days, but policing the byways of
international terror seems to have pretty strong support everywhere."

The note to readers was published the same day Rep. Peter King urged the
Bush administration to prosecute the paper.

"We're at war, and for the Times to release information about secret
operations and methods is treasonous," the New York Republican told The
Associated Press.

Keller said the administration also argued "in a halfhearted way" that
disclosure of the program "would lead terrorists to change tactics."

But Keller wrote that the Treasury Department has "trumpeted ... that the
U.S. makes every effort to track international financing of terror. Terror
financiers know this, which is why they have already moved as much as they
can to cruder methods. But they also continue to use the international
banking system, because it is immeasurably more efficient than toting
suitcases of cash."
------------------------------

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 26 Jun 2006 18:48 GMT
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, the Justice Department and the FBI should
go after the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal and the Los Angeles
Times hammer and tongs -- prosecuting them to the full extent of the
Espionage Laws and other laws, as appropriate.

They should be gathering evidence and building their cases now and then drop
the hammer on these malefactors right after the November Elections -- as an
early Christmas Present to Real, Loyal Americans -- who actually want to WIN
the War On Terror, unlike the pogues at the New York Times, et al.

From what I hear, that's exactly what The Attorney General and the FBI are
doing.

If "Pinch" Sulzberger and the rest of the Sulzberger clan, as well as Bill
Keller, wind up hanging by their thumbs in some God-forsaken dungeon in
Transylvania that's no problem either.

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
---------------------------------------

"Bush Slams Leak of Terror Finance Story"

26 June 2006

By TERENCE HUNT
AP White House Correspondent

WASHINGTON

"President Bush on Monday sharply condemned the disclosure of a program to
secretly monitor the financial transactions of suspected terrorists. "The
disclosure of this program is disgraceful," he said.

"For people to leak that program and for a newspaper to publish it does
great harm to the United States of America," Bush said, jabbing his finger
for emphasis. He said the disclosure of the program "makes it harder to win
this war on terror."

The program has been going on since shortly after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror
attacks. It was disclosed last week by the New York Times, the Wall Street
Journal and the Los Angeles Times.

Using broad government subpoenas, the program allows U.S. counterterrorism
analysts to obtain financial information from a vast database maintained by
a company based in Belgium. It routes about 11 million financial
transactions daily among 7,800 banks and other financial institutions in 200
countries.

"Congress was briefed and what we did was fully authorized under the law,"
Bush said, talking with reporters in the Roosevelt Room after meeting with
groups that support U.S. troops in Iraq.

"We're at war with a bunch of people who want to hurt the United States of
America," the president said. "What we were doing was the right thing."

"The American people expect this government to protect our constitutional
liberties and at the same time make sure we understand what the terrorists
are trying to do," Bush said. He said that to figure out what terrorists
plan to do, "You try to follow their money. And that's exactly what we're
doing and the fact that a newspaper disclosed it makes it harder to win this
war on terror."

Meanwhile, the administration said it has informed major allies that the
secret program has adequate privacy safeguards and will continue.

Tony Fratto, chief spokesman for the Treasury Department, said the contacts
were made following the disclosure. "We have made a point of reaching out to
our partners in the international community to make sure they understand our
views and the safeguards we have in place," he said. "We want to make sure
it was clear to our partners that we value this program."

In advance of Bush's remarks, the New York Times defended itself against
criticism for disclosing the program.

In a note on the paper's Web site Sunday, Executive Editor Bill Keller said
the Times spent weeks discussing with Bush administration officials whether
to publish the report.

He said part of the government's argument was that the anti-terror program
would no longer be effective if it became known, because international
bankers would be unwilling to cooperate and terrorists would find other ways
to move money.

"We don't know what the banking consortium will do, but we found this
argument puzzling," Keller said, pointing out that the banks were under
subpoena to provide the information. "The Bush Administration and America
itself may be unpopular in Europe these days, but policing the byways of
international terror seems to have pretty strong support everywhere."

The note to readers was published the same day Rep. Peter King urged the
Bush administration to prosecute the paper.

"We're at war, and for the Times to release information about secret
operations and methods is treasonous," the New York Republican told The
Associated Press.

Keller said the administration also argued "in a halfhearted way" that
disclosure of the program "would lead terrorists to change tactics."

But Keller wrote that the Treasury Department has "trumpeted ... that the
U.S. makes every effort to track international financing of terror. Terror
financiers know this, which is why they have already moved as much as they
can to cruder methods. But they also continue to use the international
banking system, because it is immeasurably more efficient than toting
suitcases of cash."
------------------------------

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 27 Jun 2006 06:37 GMT
"Cheney: New York Times harms U.S. security"

BY DON WALTON / Lincoln Journal Star

"GRAND ISLAND - Vice President Dick Cheney accused the news media Monday of
making "the job of defending against further terrorist attacks more
difficult."

Cheney zeroed in on The New York Times in condemning the press for
"publishing detailed information about vital national security programs."

The attack, launched at a fund-raising luncheon for Republican congressional
nominee Adrian Smith, was triggered by a story in The Times last week
revealing a terrorist financial tracking program.

Cheney also pointed to earlier news reports disclosing secret communications
surveillance conducted without court approval.

"The New York Times has now made it more difficult for us to prevent attacks
in the future," the vice president declared.

"Publishing this highly classified information about our sources and methods
for collecting intelligence will enable the terrorists to look for ways to
defeat our efforts," he said.

Cheney's criticism coincided with President Bush's condemnation of the
financial tracking disclosure during remarks to reporters at the White House
on Monday.

The sharp attack on The Times by Cheney, whose former chief-of-staff,
Scooter Libby, has been accused of leaking national security information to
the newspaper, stole the thunder at the GOP event."
---------------------------------------------------------------------

DSH
D. Spencer Hines - 27 Jun 2006 06:56 GMT
We need new Anti-Espionage Legislation.

The Espionage Act of 1917 is severely outdated and has too many loopholes.

Congress should hold hearings and subpoena appropriate witnesses from The
New York Times and other publications as required.

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 27 Jun 2006 07:10 GMT
We need new Anti-Espionage Legislation.

The Espionage Act of 1917 is severely outdated and has too many loopholes.

18 USC 793 and 794 are simply not good enough in the 21st Century.

Congress should hold hearings and subpoena appropriate witnesses from The
New York Times and other publications as required.

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 27 Jun 2006 20:36 GMT
A number of Left-Wing idiots think that bank records fall under the privacy
protections of the Fourth Amendment.

They do not.

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas
D. Spencer Hines - 27 Jun 2006 21:05 GMT
The New York Times -- Opportunistic Hypocrites As Well As Traitors?

DSH
------------------------------------

June 27, 2006

"That Was Then"

"Reader Douglas Rose has drawn our attention to this September 24, 2001
New York Times editorial ("Finances of Terror") (access limited to
TimesSelect):
----------------------------------

"Organizing the hijacking of the planes that crashed into the World Trade
Center and the Pentagon took significant sums of money. The cost of these
plots suggests that putting Osama bin Laden and other international
terrorists out of business will require more than diplomatic coalitions and
military action. Washington and its allies must also disable the financial
networks used by terrorists.

The Bush administration is preparing new laws to help track
terrorists through their money-laundering activity and is readying an
executive order freezing the assets of known terrorists. Much more is
needed, including stricter regulations, the recruitment of specialized
investigators and greater cooperation with foreign banking authorities.

There must also must be closer coordination among America's law enforcement,
national security and financial regulatory agencies.

Osama bin Laden originally rose to prominence because his inherited
fortune allowed him to bankroll Arab volunteers fighting Soviet forces in
Afghanistan. Since then, he has acquired funds from a panoply of Islamic
charities and illegal and legal businesses, including export-import and
commodity trading firms, and is estimated to have as much as $300 million at
his disposal.

Some of these businesses move funds through major commercial banks
that lack the procedures to monitor such transactions properly. Locally,
terrorists can utilize tiny unregulated storefront financial centers,
including what are known as hawala banks, which people in South Asian
immigrant communities in the United States and other Western countries use
to transfer money abroad. Though some smaller financial transactions are
likely to slip through undetected even after new rules are in place, much of
the financing needed for major attacks could dry up.

Washington should revive international efforts begun during the
Clinton administration to pressure countries with dangerously loose banking
regulations to adopt and enforce stricter rules. These need to be
accompanied by strong sanctions against doing business with financial
institutions based in these nations. The Bush administration initially
opposed such measures. But after the events of Sept. 11, it appears ready to
embrace them.

The Treasury Department also needs new domestic legal weapons to
crack down on money laundering by terrorists. The new laws should mandate
the identification of all account owners, prohibit transactions with "shell
banks" that have no physical premises and require closer monitoring of
accounts coming from countries with lax banking laws. Prosecutors,
meanwhile, should be able to freeze more easily the assets of suspected
terrorists. The Senate Banking Committee plans to hold hearings this week on
a bill providing for such measures. It should be approved and signed into
law by President Bush.

New regulations requiring money service businesses like the hawala
banks to register and imposing criminal penalties on those that do not are
scheduled to come into force late next year. The effective date should be
moved up to this fall, and rules should be strictly enforced the moment they
take effect. If America is going to wage a new kind of war against
terrorism, it must act on all fronts, including the financial one."
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------

"If America is going to wage a war against terrorism, it must indeed act on
all fronts.  In 2006, it needs to act on the home front and direct its
attention to those whose war on the administration is unconstrained by the
espionage laws of the United States."

Posted by Scott at 06:47 AM

"Scott W. Johnson is a Minneapolis attorney.  For more than ten years
Johnson has written with his former law partner John H. Hinderaker on public
policy issues including income inequality, income taxes, campaign finance
reform, affirmative action, welfare reform, and race in the criminal justice
system.  Both Johnson and Hinderaker are fellows of the Claremont Institute.
Their articles have appeared in National Review, The American Enterprise,
American Experiment Quarterly, and newspapers from Florida to California.
The Claremont Institute has archived many of their articles here.

Johnson lives with his family in St. Paul, Minnesota.  He is a graduate of
Dartmouth College and the University of Minnesota Law School."
-----------------------

DSH
D. Spencer Hines - 01 Jul 2006 00:58 GMT
Bravo Zulu!

DSH
------------------------------------

"REVIEW & OUTLOOK

"Fit and Unfit to Print
What are the obligations of the press in wartime?"

Friday, June 30, 2006

"Not everything is fit to print. There is to be regard for at least probable
factual accuracy, for danger to innocent lives, for human decencies, and
even, if cautiously, for nonpartisan considerations of the national
interest."

So wrote the great legal scholar, Alexander Bickel, about the duties of the
press in his 1975 collection of essays "The Morality of Consent." We like to
re-read Bickel to get our Constitutional bearings, and he's been especially
useful since the New York Times decided last week to expose a major weapon
in the U.S. arsenal against terror financing.

President Bush, among others, has since assailed the press for revealing the
program, and the Times has responded by wrapping itself in the First
Amendment, the public's right to know and even The Wall Street Journal. We
published a story on the same subject on the same day, and the Times has
since claimed us as its ideological wingman. So allow us to explain what
actually happened, putting this episode within the larger context of a
newspaper's obligations during wartime.

We should make clear that the News and Editorial sections of the Journal are
separate, with different editors. The Journal story on Treasury's antiterror
methods was a product of the News department, and these columns had no say
in the decision to publish. We have reported the story ourselves, however,
and the facts are that the Times's decision was notably different from the
Journal's.

According to Tony Fratto, Treasury's Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs,
he first contacted the Times some two months ago. He had heard Times
reporters were asking questions about the highly classified program
involving Swift, an international banking consortium that has cooperated
with the U.S. to follow the money making its way to the likes of al Qaeda or
Hezbollah. Mr. Fratto went on to ask the Times not to publish such a story
on grounds that it would damage this useful terror-tracking method.

Sometime later, Secretary John Snow invited Times Executive Editor Bill
Keller to his Treasury office to deliver the same message. Later still, Mr.
Fratto says, Tom Kean and Lee Hamilton, the leaders of the 9/11 Commission,
made the same request of Mr. Keller. Democratic Congressman John Murtha and
Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte also urged the newspaper
not to publish the story.

The Times decided to publish anyway, letting Mr. Fratto know about its
decision a week ago Wednesday. The Times agreed to delay publishing by a day
to give Mr. Fratto a chance to bring the appropriate Treasury official home
from overseas. Based on his own discussions with Times reporters and
editors, Mr. Fratto says he believed "they had about 80% of the story, but
they had about 30% of it wrong." So the Administration decided that, in the
interest of telling a more complete and accurate story, they would
declassify a series of talking points about the program. They discussed
those with the Times the next day, June 22.

Around the same time, Treasury contacted Journal reporter Glenn Simpson to
offer him the same declassified information. Mr. Simpson has been working
the terror finance beat for some time, including asking questions about the
operations of Swift, and it is a common practice in Washington for
government officials to disclose a story that is going to become public
anyway to more than one reporter. Our guess is that Treasury also felt Mr.
Simpson would write a straighter story than the Times, which was pushing a
violation-of-privacy angle; on our reading of the two June 23 stories, he
did.

We recount all this because more than a few commentators have tried to link
the Journal and Times at the hip. On the left, the motive is to help shield
the Times from political criticism. On the right, the goal is to tar
everyone in the "mainstream media." But anyone who understands how
publishing decisions are made knows that different newspapers make up their
minds differently.

Some argue that the Journal should have still declined to run the antiterror
story. However, at no point did Treasury officials tell us not to publish
the information. And while Journal editors knew the Times was about to
publish the story, Treasury officials did not tell our editors they had
urged the Times not to publish. What Journal editors did know is that they
had senior government officials providing news they didn't mind seeing in
print. If this was a "leak," it was entirely authorized.

Would the Journal have published the story had we discovered it as the Times
did, and had the Administration asked us not to? Speaking for the editorial
columns, our answer is probably not. Mr. Keller's argument that the
terrorists surely knew about the Swift monitoring is his own leap of faith.

A Good Deal of the reporting at The New York Times is "Faith-Based".  -- DSH

The terror financiers might have known the U.S. could track money from the
U.S., but they might not have known the U.S. could follow the money from,
say, Saudi Arabia. The first thing an al Qaeda financier would have done
when the story broke is check if his bank was part of Swift.

Just as dubious is the defense in a Times editorial this week that "The
Swift story bears no resemblance to security breaches, like disclosure of
troop locations, that would clearly compromise the immediate safety of
specific individuals." In this asymmetric war against terrorists,
intelligence and financial tracking are the equivalent of troop movements.
They are America's main weapons.

Bingo! -- DSH

The Times itself said as much in a typically hectoring September 24, 2001,
editorial "Finances of Terror": "Much more is needed, including stricter
regulations, the recruitment of specialized investigators and greater
cooperation with foreign banking authorities." Isn't the latter precisely
what the Swift operation is?

Bingo! -- DSH

Whether the Journal News department would agree with us in this or other
cases, we can't say. We do know, however, that Journal editors have withheld
stories at the government's request in the past, notably during the Gulf War
when they learned that a European company that had sold defense equipment to
Iraq was secretly helping the Pentagon. Readers have to decide for
themselves, based on our day-to-day work, whether they think Journal editors
are making the correct publishing judgments.

Which brings us back to the New York Times. We suspect that the Times has
tried to use the Journal as its political heatshield precisely because it
knows our editors have more credibility on these matters.

Indeed! -- DSH

As Alexander Bickel wrote, the relationship between government and the press
in the free society is an inevitable and essential contest. The government
needs a certain amount of secrecy to function, especially on national
security, and the press in its watchdog role tries to discover what it can.

The government can't expect total secrecy, Bickel writes, "but the game
similarly calls on the press to consider the responsibilities that its
position implies. Not everything is fit to print." The obligation of the
press is to take the government seriously when it makes a request not to
publish. Is the motive mainly political? How important are the national
security concerns? And how do those concerns balance against the public's
right to know?

The problem with the Times is that millions of Americans no longer believe
that its editors would make those calculations in anything close to good
faith. We certainly don't. On issue after issue, it has become clear that
the Times believes the U.S. is not really at war, and in any case the Bush
Administration lacks the legitimacy to wage it.

Bingo!  ZAAAAAAAPPPPPP!!! -- DSH

So, for example, it promulgates a double standard on "leaks," deploring them
in the case of Valerie Plame and demanding a special counsel when the leaker
was presumably someone in the White House and the journalist a conservative
columnist. But then it hails as heroic and public-spirited the leak to the
Times itself that revealed the National Security Agency's al Qaeda wiretaps.

Mr. Keller's open letter explaining his decision to expose the Treasury
program all but admits that he did so because he doesn't agree with, or
believe, the Bush Administration. "Since September 11, 2001, our government
has launched broad and secret anti-terror monitoring programs without
seeking authorizing legislation and without fully briefing the Congress," he
writes, and "some officials who have been involved in these programs have
spoken to the Times about their discomfort over the legality of the
government's actions and over the adequacy of oversight."

Since the Treasury story broke, as it happens, no one but Congressman Ed
Markey and a few cranks have even objected to the program, much less claimed
illegality.

Perhaps Mr. Keller has been listening to his boss, Times Publisher Arthur
Sulzberger Jr., who in a recent commencement address apologized to the
graduates because his generation "had seen the horrors and futility of war
and smelled the stench of corruption in government.

"Our children, we vowed, would never know that. So, well, sorry. It wasn't
supposed to be this way," the publisher continued. "You weren't supposed to
be graduating into an America fighting a misbegotten war in a foreign land.
You weren't supposed to be graduating into a world where we are still
fighting for fundamental human rights," and so on. Forgive us if we conclude
that a newspaper led by someone who speaks this way to college seniors has
as a major goal not winning the war on terror but obstructing it.

Bingo!  -- DSH

In all of this, Mr. Sulzberger and the Times are reminiscent of a publisher
from an earlier era, Colonel Robert McCormick of the Chicago Tribune. In the
1930s and into World War II, the Tribune was implacable in its opposition to
FDR and his conduct of the war. During the war itself, his newspaper also
exposed secrets, including one story after the victory at Midway in 1942
that essentially disclosed that the U.S. had broken Japanese codes. The
government considered, but decided against, prosecuting McCormick's paper
under the Espionage Act of 1917.

That was a wise decision, and not only because it would have drawn more
attention to the Tribune "scoop." Once a government starts indicting
reporters for publishing stories, there will be no drawing any lines against
such prosecutions, and we will be well down the road to an Official Secrets
Act that will let government dictate coverage.

The current political clamor is nonetheless a warning to the press about the
path the Times is walking. Already, its partisan demand for a special
counsel in the Plame case has led to a reporter going to jail and to defeats
in court over protecting sources. Now the politicians are talking about
Espionage Act prosecutions.

All of which is cause for the rest of us in the media to recognize, heeding
Alexander Bickel, that sometimes all the news is not fit to print."
----------------------------

DSH

Lux et Veritas et Libertas

Vires et Honor
 
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