Sex And The Sissy
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D. Spencer Hines - 25 May 2008 05:02 GMT One of Peggy Noonan's Best Columns.
DSH
Lux et Veritas et Libertas ----------------------------------------------------------------
Peggy NOONAN
The Wall Street Journal
Sex and the Sissy
May 23, 2008
She was born in Russia, fled the pogroms with her family, was raised in Milwaukee, and worked the counter at her father's general store when she was 8. In early adulthood she made aliyah to Palestine, where she worked on a kibbutz, picking almonds and chasing chickens. She rose in politics, was the first woman in the first Israeli cabinet, soldiered on through war and rumors of war, became the first and so far only woman to be prime minister of Israel. And she knew what it is to be a woman in the world. "At work, you think of the children you've left at home. At home you think of the work you've left unfinished. . . . Your heart is rent." This of course was Golda Meir.
Another: She was born in a family at war with itself and the reigning power outside. As a child she carried word from her important father to his fellow revolutionaries, smuggling the papers in her school bag. War and rumors of war, arrests, eight months in jail. A rise in politics -- administering refugee camps, government minister. When war came, she refused to flee an insecure border area; her stubbornness helped rally a nation. Her rivals sometimes called her "Dumb Doll," and an American president is said to have referred to her in private as "the old witch." But the prime minister of India preferred grounding her foes to dust to complaining about gender bias. In the end, and in the way of things, she was ground up too. Proud woman, Indira Gandhi.
And there is Margaret Hilda Roberts. A childhood in the besieged Britain of World War II -- she told me once of listening to the wireless and being roused by Churchill. "Westward look, the land is bright," she quoted him; she knew every stanza of the old poem. Her father, too, was a shopkeeper, and she grew up in the apartment above the store near the tracks. She went to Oxford on scholarship, worked as a chemist, entered politics, rose, became another first and only, succeeding not only in a man's world but in a class system in which they knew how to take care of ambitious little grocer's daughters from Grantham. She was to a degree an outsider within her own party, so she remade it. She lived for ideas as her colleagues lived for comfort and complaint. The Tories those days managed loss. She wanted to stop it; she wanted gain. Just before she became prime minister, the Soviets, thinking they were deftly stigmatizing an upstart, labeled her the Iron Lady. She seized the insult and wore it like a hat. This was Thatcher, stupendous Thatcher, now the baroness.
Great women, all different, but great in terms of size, of impact on the world and of struggles overcome. Struggle was not something they read about in a book. They did not use guilt to win election -- it comes up zero if you Google "Thatcher" and "You're just picking on me because I'm a woman." Instead they used the appeals men used: stronger leadership, better ideas, a superior philosophy.
* * *
You know where I'm going, for you know where she went. Hillary Clinton complained again this week that sexism has been a major dynamic in her unsuccessful bid for political dominance. She is quoted by the Washington Post's Lois Romano decrying the "sexist" treatment she received during the campaign, and the "incredible vitriol that has been engendered" by those who are "nothing but misogynists." The New York Times reported she told sympathetic bloggers in a conference call that she is saddened by the "mean-spiritedness and terrible insults" that have been thrown "at you, for supporting me, and at women in general."
Where to begin? One wants to be sympathetic to Mrs. Clinton at this point, if for no other reason than to show one's range. But her last weeks have been, and her next weeks will likely be, one long exercise in summoning further denunciations. It is something new in politics, the How Else Can I Offend You Tour. And I suppose it is aimed not at voters -- you don't persuade anyone by complaining in this way, you only reinforce what your supporters already think -- but at history, at the way history will tell the story of the reasons for her loss.
So, to address the charge that sexism did her in:
It is insulting, because it asserts that those who supported someone else this year were driven by low prejudice and mindless bias.
It is manipulative, because it asserts that if you want to be understood, both within the community and in the larger brotherhood of man, to be wholly without bias and prejudice, you must support Mrs. Clinton.
It is not true. Tough hill-country men voted for her, men so backward they'd give the lady a chair in the union hall. Tough Catholic men in the outer suburbs voted for her, men so backward they'd call a woman a lady. And all of them so naturally courteous that they'd realize, in offering the chair or addressing the lady, that they might have given offense, and awkwardly joke at themselves to take away the sting. These are great men. And Hillary got her share, more than her share, of their votes. She should be a guy and say thanks.
It is prissy. Mrs. Clinton's supporters are now complaining about the Hillary nutcrackers sold at every airport shop. Boo hoo. If Golda Meir, a woman of not only proclaimed but actual toughness, heard about Golda nutcrackers, she would have bought them by the case and given them away as party favors.
It is sissy. It is blame-gaming, whining, a way of not taking responsibility, of not seeing your flaws and addressing them. You want to say "Girl, butch up, you are playing in the leagues, they get bruised in the leagues, they break each other's bones, they like to hit you low and hear the crack, it's like that for the boys and for the girls."
And because the charge of sexism is all of the above, it is, ultimately, undermining of the position of women. Or rather it would be if its source were not someone broadly understood by friend and foe alike to be willing to say anything to gain advantage.
* * *
It is probably truer that being a woman helped Mrs. Clinton. She was the front-runner anyway and had all the money, power, Beltway backers. But the fact that she was a woman helped give her supporters the special oomph to be gotten from making history. They were by definition involved in something historic. And they were on the right side, connected to the one making the breakthrough, shattering the glass. They were going to be part of breaking it into a million little pieces that could rain down softly during the balloon drop at the historic convention, each of them catching the glow of the lights. Some network reporter was going to say, "They look like pieces of the glass ceiling that has finally been shattered."
I know: Barf. But also: Fine. Politics should be fun.
Meir and Gandhi and Mrs. Thatcher suffered through the political downside of their sex and made the most of the upside. Fair enough. As for this week's Clinton complaints, I imagine Mrs. Thatcher would bop her on the head with her purse. Mrs. Gandhi would say "That is no way to play it." Mrs. Meir? "They said I was the only woman in the cabinet and the only one with -- well, you know. I loved it."
ebe - 25 May 2008 05:45 GMT > One of Peggy Noonan's Best Columns. > [quoted text clipped - 134 lines] > "They said I was the only woman in the cabinet and the only one with -- > well, you know. I loved it." Hi,
The most important aspect of the next president is going to be leadership. The problem of increasing oil prices has shown the premise of the movie "Three Days of the Condor" to be correct. So, people are going to be more concerned with results, not perceived toughness.
Nebulous - 26 May 2008 00:10 GMT "ebe" <miniskirt7a@yahoo.com> wrote in message news:bcef929d-a38c-4649-8976-
5, 25 January, Holyrood, Colloquium Additional Record 25 January 1285 [A1285/1]*[print] [email] [cite] [preceding]
Letters: resignation and regrant To all who see or hear these letters, to Giles Cornet son and heir of of the late John Cornet, eternal greeting in the Lord. Know that on the day of the conversion of St Paul [25 January] in the year of grace 1284 in the church of Holyrood in Edinburgh, at the king's colloquium, in the presence of trustworthy men, namely in the presence of Sir Malise, then earl of Strathearn, Sir John Comyn, Sir William de Soules, then justiciar of Lothian, Sir John Comyn of Buchan, Sir William Comyn of Kirkintilloch, Sir Hugh de Perisby, Sir John de Stirling, and many other king's men, I vacated, quitclaimed and resigned by rod and staff for me and my heirs in perpetuity, all my right and claim which I had, have or may be able to have hereafter in the lands of Mylis, with the pertinents, which were the said late Sir Miles Cornet's, or any reservation, into the hand of Alexander Comyn, earl of Buchan, then the constable and justiciar of Scotland, for infefting William Preston, my kinsman, with the proviso that neither I nor my heirs nor anyone of our name may henceforth exact or sell right or claim in the said lands. In testimony of which I have appended my seal to this letter of resignation and quitclaim. Witnesses written [above].
[Tag in 'patent' style. Seal gone.]
William Black - 25 May 2008 12:09 GMT > And there is Margaret Hilda Roberts. A childhood in the besieged Britain > of [quoted text clipped - 17 lines] > Thatcher, > stupendous Thatcher, now the baroness. That is so misleading as to be almost criminal.
Thatcher's dad wasn't a shopkeeper who lived in an apartment over the shop. he had,. at one stage, five shops and lived in a large five bedroomed house with a shop on the front which he had built to his own design.
She went to Oxford and was president of the Conservative Association there, which is as direct a route to the levers of power within the Tory party that you could find. That she then spent ten years finding out she was a crap chemist, marrying a millionaire, taking up the law and was subsequently given a safe seat within ten years of leaving university.
In other words she was treated in a preferential manner by the Tories because of her background.
I'm interested in the 'scholarship' to Oxford. If she had the requisite qualifications (and entry to the all the Oxbridge colleges is competitive) why did she need a scholarship?
It can't have been money, her dad was a successful businessman who'd been a alderman in Grantham for many years.
 Signature William Black
I've seen things you people wouldn't believe. Barbeques on fire by the chalets past the castle headland I watched the gift shops glitter in the darkness off the Newborough gate All these moments will be lost in time, like icecream on the beach Time for tea.
James Hogg - 25 May 2008 12:56 GMT >> And there is Margaret Hilda Roberts. A childhood in the besieged Britain >> of [quoted text clipped - 36 lines] >qualifications (and entry to the all the Oxbridge colleges is competitive) >why did she need a scholarship? In my day (1970s) an Oxbridge scholarship meant that you did well in the entrance exam and won an annual sum of money. After the abolition of tuition fees, this was a nominal sum, 60 quid a year - just enough to pay your college bar bill at the end of the year. A lesser award was an exhibition, worth 40 quid.
In Maggie's day I suppose it meant more, financially, to win a scholarship to Oxford.
An interesting detail is that she won a full scholarship despite opposition from her headmaster.
James
William Black - 25 May 2008 13:09 GMT > An interesting detail is that she won a full scholarship despite > opposition from her headmaster. That's almost certainly fallout from her father's political career.
Headmasterships in British state grammar schools are given by the board of governors of the school, and the board of governors were, at that time, dominated by political appointees.
These days, with 'parental governors' and 'elective places' it's all a bit different but many school governors are still political appointments.
 Signature William Black
I've seen things you people wouldn't believe. Barbeques on fire by the chalets past the castle headland I watched the gift shops glitter in the darkness off the Newborough gate All these moments will be lost in time, like icecream on the beach Time for tea.
kronecker@yahoo.co.uk - 25 May 2008 19:49 GMT On May 25, 11:09 pm, "William Black" <william.bl...@hotmail.co.uk> wrote:
> > And there is Margaret Hilda Roberts. A childhood in the besieged Britain > > of [quoted text clipped - 48 lines] > All these moments will be lost in time, like icecream on the beach > Time for tea. Scholarships are not kust for the money, but to show that you are one of the best. You get your own special room at college and it goes down on your cv.
K.
Nebulous - 26 May 2008 00:12 GMT <kronecker@yahoo.co.uk> wrote in message news:476481e6-e869-4a6b-940a-
1291, 12 July - 1292, 13 October, Berwick, 'Parliaments' Additional Record 12 July 1291 - 13 October 1292 [A1292/6/1]*[print] [email] [cite] [following]
Non-parliamentary record The terminology used by Edward I with regard to the assemblies that constituted the fora for the Great Cause is confused. On receiving varying petitions for the kingship of Scotland on 12 July and 3 August 1291, Edward appointed 2 June 1292 at Berwick 'in proximo parliamento suo' to give judgement, which could imply he considered the 12 July and/or 3 August assemblies also to be 'parliaments' (Foedera, i, 774, 777). On 2 June 1292, however, the process on a petition from Eric, king of Norway, undertaken by Edward I at Berwick (and described as a proceeding of parliament in Stevenson, Documents, i, 312-17 (original TNA (PRO), C66/111/1, translated in CPR, 1281-1292, 501-2) in fact states it was made before Edward I's council in his role as superior lord of Scotland, and does not use the word 'parliamentum'. Letters of Alexander of Argyll and Alexander and Donald of the Isles, on 29 December 1291 promised to keep the peace between them in their lands until the next 'parlement' at Berwick in September 1292. Nevertheless, the full narration of the meetings of the Great Cause does not use the phrase 'parliamentum' at any point, but rather speaks of the persons 'convenientibus' (Foedera, i, 762-8). The term 'parliamentum' or 'parlement' is therefore used only in records that refer to the assemblies, rather than in the official documents which record the assemblies' transactions, and where greater care, perhaps, was taken with terminology. The case for calling these meetings 'parliaments', therefore, appears less certain that Richardson, Sayles, and Stevenson believed (Richardson and Sayles, 'Scottish parliaments of Edward I', 307-8, SHR, xxv (1928); Stevenson, Documents, i, 312).
Nebulous - 26 May 2008 00:11 GMT "William Black" <william.black@hotmail.co.uk> wrote in message news:g1bhc2
Margaret: Translation 1290, 14 March, Birgham, 'Parliament'? Parliamentary Records 14 March 1290 [1290/3/1]*[print] [email] [cite] [following]
Letters: confirmation of the treaty of Salisbury To all those who see or hear this letter, William [Fraser], bishop of St Andrews, and Robert [Wishart], bishop of Glasgow, John Comyn and James the Steward of Scotland, guardians of the kingdom of Scotland, Matthew [de Crambeth], bishop of Dunkeld, Archibald, bishop of Moray, Henry [Cheyne], bishop of Aberdeen, William, bishop of Dunblane, Mark, bishop of Man [or the Isles], Henry, bishop of Galloway, William [Comyn], bishop of Brechin, Alan [de St Edmund], bishop of Caithness, Robert [de Fyvie], bishop of Ross, and Laurence [de Argyll], bishop of Argyll, Malise, earl of Strathearn, Patrick [de Dunbar], earl of Dunbar [or March], John Comyn, earl of Buchan, Donald, earl of Mar, Gilbert [de Umfraville], earl of Angus, John [de Strathbogie], earl of Atholl, Walter [Comyn], earl of Menteith, Robert [Bruce], earl of Carrick, William, earl of Sutherland, John, earl of Caithness, [Richard], abbot of Kelso, [Patrick de Selkirk], abbot of Melrose, [Radulph de Greenlaw], abbot of Dunfermline, [Henry], abbot of Arbroath, the abbot of Holyrood,? [John], abbot of Cambuskenneth, [Andrew de Buchan], abbot of Coupar Angus, the abbot of Dryburgh,? the abbot of Newbattle,? the abbot of Paisley,? [John Morel], abbot of Jedburgh, [John], abbot of Lindores, [Thomas], abbot of Balmerino, the abbot of Glenluce, the abbot of Kilwinning, [Hugh], abbot of Inchaffray, the abbot of Culross, the abbot of Dundrennan, the abbot of 'Darnounguille', the abbot of Kinloss, the abbot of Deer,? the abbot of Iona, [Alexander], abbot of Tongland, [John de Haddington], prior of St Andrews, [Henry de Horncastre], prior of Coldingham, the prior of Lesmahagow, the prior of Pluscarden,? the prior of Beauly, the prior of 'Hurwarde' [?Urquhart], the prior of Whithorn,? the prior of Restenneth, the prior of May, the prior of Canonbie, the prior of Blantyre, Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, William de Moray, William de Soules, Alexander de Argyll, Alexander de Balliol de Cavers, Geoffrey de Mowbray, Nicholas de Graham, Nicholas de Biggar, Ingeram de Balliol, Richard Siward, Herbert de Maxwell, David the Marischal, Ingeram de Gynes, Thomas Randolph, William Comyn de Kirkintilloch, Simon Fraser, Bernard Cheyne, the father, Ranald Cheyne, the son, Andrew de Moray, John de Soules, Nicholas de le Hay, William de Hay of Loquhariot, Robert Cameron of Balgligiruauthe, William de Sinclair, Patrick de Graham, John Stirling de le Cars, John of Callander, John de Melville, John Stewart, John de Glenesk, Alexander de Boncle, Bertram de Cardveres, Donald 'le fiz Con', Magnus de Fothrif, Robert Fleming, William de Moray de Drumsergard, David de Beaton, William de Douglas, Alexander de Lindsay, Alexander Menteith, Alexander de Menzies, William de Muhaut, Thomas de Somerville, John Inchmartin, John de Vaus, John de Moray, Malcolm de Ferendrauthe and John de Garnihauche, barons, greeting in our eternal Lord. Know us to have affirmed and established the thing treated and accorded not long ago at Salisbury concerning the arrangement of the standing of our dear lady Madam Margaret queen and heiress of Scotland, and of her kingdom, in the presence of the noble prince my lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, in the form written below, which is such:
When the noble prince Eric [II], king of Norway and Margaret, and his daughter, lady queen heiress of Scotland, had asked by solemn messengers (that is to say Sir Terri de Champs de Jeu,? Piers Algod and Guthorn de Aseleye) the noble prince Sir Edward, the king of England, that he appoint, aid and counsel how the aforesaid queen, his niece should obey as lady, queen and heiress of her kingdom of Scotland, and so she can rule and enjoy [it] as other kings do in their kingdoms, the aforesaid king of England, for the good and peace of the kingdom of Scotland, and for addressing the estate of his aforesaid niece, sent his letters to the guardians of Scotland that they should send certain named persons, who had power for themselves and others for treating in any form for amending the realm of Scotland and addressing the estate of the aforesaid queen. Which guardians, at the request of the said king of England, sent, in the manner that they were requested, the honourable fathers the bishop of St Andrews and the bishop of Glasgow, and the noble men Sir Robert de Bruce, lord of Annandale, and Sir John Comyn, who came to Salisbury at the month of St Michael [Michaelmas, 29 September] last passed. To which place the said king of England sent the honourable fathers [John of Pontoise] bishop of Winchester and [Anthony Bek] bishop of Durham, and the noble men William de Valence, earl of Pembroke, and John [de Warenne] earl of Warenne, who came to the same place of parley for treating between the aforesaid messengers of the king of Norway and his daughter and the aforenamed persons of Scotland, who, after much discussion and great debate, submitted in this way:
That the aforesaid lady, queen and heiress, come to the kingdom of England or Scotland before next All Saints' Day [1 November 1290], quit and free of all contract of marriage and espousal, which thing the aforesaid messengers of Norway have promised to procure in good faith, in so far as they can, during the aforesaid term, if she does not have a reasonable and allowable excuse in this part.
And the aforesaid king of England has promised in good faith that if the aforesaid lady comes, quit and free of all contract of marriage and espousal in her hand or in her custody, that when the kingdom of Scotland is in good and secure peace, with the proviso that she can come and stay there safely then, he is to be required by the good men of Scotland to send her to the kingdom of Scotland also quit and delivered of all contract of marriage (concerning which it is spoken above), as he received her, with the proviso that the good people of Scotland have made good and sufficient surety for receiving her to the king of England that they will not marry her without his ordinance, desire and counsel, and by the assent of the king of Norway, her father.
And also those [men sent]? from Scotland have promised in good faith for themselves and for the other people of Scotland that they, before she comes, shall secure the land, and shall make surety there that she can come safely into her kingdom, and safely remain there, as the true lady, queen and heiress; and that concerning this they shall make all the sureties which the messengers of Norway say they are able to make, and which are reasonable.
And if perchance any one or more of the guardians or ministers of the kingdom of Scotland shall be suspect to them, or not profitable to their lady, that they be removed, and others of the realm of Scotland be put in their place, according to need, at the consideration and by the agreement of the good men of Scotland and Norway, and of those that the king of England sends there.
And if those of Scotland and Norway are not able to agree by the aid and counsel of the men? of the king of England, then the matter shall be taken in the way which the men of the king of England agree. And they are to attend also concerning all the debates that shall be between them there, concerning the things that touch the reformation of the estate of the Scottish kingdom; which estate of the kingdom, it pleases the parties, should be reported to the king of England and also the king of Norway.
And moreover, the parties agree that at mid Lent? next the men of Scotland shall come to Roxburgh, or the parts thereabouts, and the men whom the king of Scotland shall send, at the request of those of Scotland or Norway, shall be in the parts of Wark or Carham on the same day. At which day those of Scotland have promised in good faith to affirm and accomplish the things said before, and also well establish the sureties, with the other things that touch the amendment of the kingdom of Scotland, in the presence of those who the king of England has sent there at the day and place named before, so they can see that these things are accomplished in good form.
And in testimony of the things written above the aforesaid procurators of the king of Norway and the envoys of Scotland have set their seals to this chirograph? writing in three pieces, of which two are in French provided to the king of England and the men of Scotland, and the third, translated into Latin, to the procurators of Norway. And, at the request of the aforesaid procurators of Norway and the envoys of Scotland, the bishops of Winchester and Durham, and the earls of Pembroke and Warenne, as written above, have also set their seals to this writing in testimony of the things written above.
Given at Salisbury, the Sunday in the feast of St Leonard [6 November], AD 1289.
And for the greater surety and firmness of the things written above, we have put these our seals to these letters. Given at Brigham, on the first Tuesday after the feast of St Gregory, AD 1289 [14 March 1290]
Nebulous - 26 May 2008 00:09 GMT "D. Spencer Hines" <panther@excelsior.com> wrote in message news:ly5_j.1007$
65, after March 5, Scone, 'Parliament' Additional Record After 5 March 1265 [A1265/1]*[print] [email] [cite] [preceding] [following]
Non-parliamentary record: correspondence of Henry III Letter of Henry III to the prior of Durham, commanding him and other envoys to attend Alexander III's 'parliament' at Scone, to encourage the Scottish king to embark on negotiations for the release of Scottish hostages (CDS, i, no. 2379).
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