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three states: israel, west bank, gaza

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Robert Cohen - 26 Jun 2007 16:15 GMT
who says balkanization is completely bad?

to paraphrase churchill's damning with faint praise re democracy: it's
better 'n others

so, imho, separation may be better than ...incessant civil war helle

seemingly, "gazans" prefer the rigid hamas instead of the compromising
fatah

perhaps egyptian cops-trooops might control-patrol gaza from
aggression erupting, though i wouldn't hold my breath, i
pessimistically predict gaza is  to be a tragic yet vicious bummer-
basketcase, seemingly, consisting of al queada plus hamas plus perhaps
hezbollah co-oping and competing, seemingly forever dedicated to the
nihilism-ugliness of absurdist martyrdom a la iraq

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From :  The Jerusalem Post <jpostoffers@jpost.com>
Sent :  Monday, June 25, 2007 6:39 AM
To :  robert cohen <robtcohen@msn.com>
Subject :  Exclusive: For JPost.com Registered User Only

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DEAR JPOST.COM MEMBER,
In a world where life is becoming increasingly fast-paced, people are
forced to make choices and prioritize. The Jerusalem Post is a
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Jun. 25, 2007
The three-state solution?
Jacob Savage
Separating Gaza from the West Bank makes more historical sense than
forming a unified Palestinian nation.

(AP)
The Hamas takeover of Gaza this month revealed deep fissures within
the Palestinian cause. The Americans, the Israelis and the
Palestinians all might like to think these divisions are temporary,
but the reality is not so simple. To a large extent, residents of Gaza
and the West Bank are two different peoples, and the idea of a three-
state solution - Israel, plus a Hamas-run Gaza and a Fatah-governed
West Bank - makes historical sense.

Gaza was, starting in the early 1800s, culturally dominated by
neighboring Egypt. Though Gaza was part of the Ottoman Empire, a large
number of its residents were Egyptians (and their descendants) who had
fled political turmoil. The West Bank, on the other hand, became
culturally and economically linked with Jordan after the kingdom's
founding in 1921. Unlike Gaza, the West Bank always has had a
prosperous Christian minority, which served as an important moderating
influence.

The two regions' experiences after the establishment of Israel in 1948
also were quite different. In 1950, Jordan annexed the West Bank,
granted its residents citizenship and created a bureaucratic and legal
infrastructure that helped connect the West Bank with the rest of the
Arab world.

The simultaneous Egyptian occupation of Gaza, however, was both
careless and brutal. Gazans remained stateless and were forbidden to
leave the strip. Egypt never created a Gazan civil service, placing
Egyptians in charge of all civil and military posts.

Even today, the two economies are almost entirely disconnected. Gaza
wallows in a poverty that has led to political and religious
radicalization. In 2006, Gaza's unemployment rate was more than 35
percent, compared to 18% in the West Bank. With the exception of the
joint distribution of foreign aid and political patronage, the two
regions have very little to tie them together.

However, the most important difference is the way that refugees who
fled or were expelled from Israel in 1948 have assimilated. More than
a million refugees and their descendants live in the Gaza Strip,
making up more than 84% of the total population - and nearly 50% still
live in camps.

The much larger West Bank integrated its refugees far more
successfully. Only 26% of refugees are in camps there - representing
less than 10% of the total population. Because they have created
familial and economic ties to the West Bank, they are more rooted and
amenable to political compromise.

It is conceivable, for instance, that West Bank Palestinians would
give up the refugees' right of return in exchange for Israeli
territorial concessions. Yet many Gazans, who have lived in refugee
camps their whole lives, are tragically, if understandably, unwilling
to accept such a compromise.

The idea that national identities remain static is a late 20th century
fiction. Palestinian identity has been in flux since the Ottoman
period, and there is no reason to think that it is now frozen in
place. Indeed, after receiving Jordanian citizenship in 1950, many
residents of the West Bank came to see themselves as Jordanian. Yet
following the Israeli conquest in the 1967 Six Day War, they quickly
adopted a panPalestinian identity.

All that was needed for this identity to shift was a single generation
severed from Jordanian power, influence and institutions.
(Acknowledging that his ostensible subjects would never again view
themselves as Jordanians, King Hussein renounced all claims to the
West Bank in 1988.) A similar division has existed for some time
between Gaza and the West Bank. As a result of Israeli travel
restrictions, an entire generation of Gazans has never set foot in the
West Bank, and vice versa.

In light of the current political schism between the West Bank and
Gaza, Yasser Arafat's vision of a united Palestine seems more remote
than ever. It is finally time to seriously consider a threestate
solution.

Israel would be able to treat Gaza as a pariah state and respond to
Hamas's rocket attacks accordingly. Israel could then await Gaza's
further descent into a quarantined chaos or the unlikely emergence of
a more moderate political leadership.

West Bank Palestinians also could profit from such an arrangement.
Indeed, the Israelis are already considering giving Fatah the nearly
halfbillion dollars in tax revenues they've been withholding. Once
detached from Gaza, the West Bank leadership probably could force
Israel to dismantle roadblocks and evacuate settlements. Following a
perverse logic, the benefits might even extend to residents of Gaza.
Freed from West Bank hegemony, Gazans could live in whatever Islamist
dystopia they choose.

A bifurcated Palestine ultimately might facilitate a temporary
solution to the conflict: peace between Israel and the West Bank,
continued fighting between Israel and Gaza. This is an admittedly
partial solution, but it is better than the status quo of no solution
at all. (Los Angeles Times)

Jacob Savage is a graduate fellow at the Shalem Center in Jerusalem.

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Robert Cohen - 27 Jun 2007 03:52 GMT
> who says balkanization is completely bad?
>
[quoted text clipped - 196 lines]
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professor martin peretz professes that the dream of a formal state of
palestine is now a bye-bye because of ...too much non-consensi amongst
arabs of what that state should be

their only sort of consensus seems to be is that israel is their enemy

as i previously posted/implied: this stuff is seemingly "propaganda,"
which i
am openly espousing to these n.g.s

any reader would hold differing opinions of these phenomena, and i do
reluctantly read some that differ so much from mine, altho they
admittedly  tend to sicken me

so, i'm posting polemics  which i favor and generally identify with

do i therefore hold it's the all-encompassing truth?

no

so, if you want to challenge what i link-post, then have at me

i'm a reasonable, compromising type, and when i call a dissenting or
obnoxious  poster an insult- cussword, then all should understand
that's what a dull, defensive shlump does--ad hominems and cheap-
shots, and our wide-open n.g.s go downhill into shoddy invectives, so
i'll try to eschew  stupid obfuscations (especially, if you do so with
yours too)

martin peretz' gospel which i tend to wanna believe, but perceive it
ain't the entire megillah

http://www.tnr.com/doc.mhtml?i=20070702&s=peretz070207
 
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